[KoreaCase] 12.12 Military Insurrection
On the night of December 12, 1979, South Korea was engulfed in a whirlwind of upheaval. This event, commonly known as the 12.12 Military Insurrection or the 12.12 Purge Coup d'état, was when the New Military faction, led by Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, and primarily centered around the Hana-hoe private military club, seized power by arresting General Jeong Seung-hwa, the Martial Law Commander and Army Chief of Staff, along with other key military leaders, without President Choi Kyu-hah's approval. Through this incident, Security Commander Chun Doo-hwan rapidly emerged as the de facto strongman of South Korea, eventually ascending to the 11th presidency after the May 17 Coup d'état and the suppression of the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement the following year.
Background of the Event: Chaos and Suspicion After the 10.26 Incident
After the 10.26 Incident (the assassination of President Park Chung-hee), the military leadership resolved to unite for national security, with General Jeong Seung-hwa, the Martial Law Commander and Army Chief of Staff, at its core. Security Commander Chun Doo-hwan, as the head of the Joint Investigation Headquarters, conducted the investigation into the 10.26 Incident.
However, suspicions arose because General Jeong was close to the scene of the 10.26 Incident and had a close relationship with Kim Jae-gyu, the head of the Central Intelligence Agency and the perpetrator. Some even suggested that General Jeong might have been involved in President Park's assassination. Even though dispatched prosecutors recommended a thorough investigation of General Jeong, Headquarters Chief Chun Doo-hwan was hesitant to do so with the Martial Law Commander.
On November 6, 1979, Chun Doo-hwan announced the initial investigation results of the 10.26 Incident, stating it was Kim Jae-gyu's sole act and commending General Jeong's swift actions to quell suspicions. However, ominous signs were already emerging. On November 1, a Japanese media outlet reported that Security Commander Chun Doo-hwan, then a mere major general, was the de facto supreme power in the military. On December 9, the Minister of National Defense reportedly received a recommendation from Martial Law Commander Jeong Seung-hwa to transfer Security Commander Chun Doo-hwan to the East Coast Defense Commander position but postponed the order due to concerns about raising suspicions related to the investigation.
Course of Events: Meticulous Planning and Armed Clashes
Plan to Remove General Jeong Seung-hwa: From mid-November, Security Commander Chun Doo-hwan began planning to remove General Jeong and seize control of the military. He started conspiring with key figures from Hana-hoe and sympathetic forces, including Heo Hwa-pyeong, Heo Sam-soo, and Lee Hak-bong. On December 8, a detailed plan for General Jeong's apprehension was delivered, and Chun Doo-hwan finalized it.
Gathering of New Military Forces: On the afternoon of December 12, Chun Doo-hwan summoned sympathetic forces, including Park Hee-do, Choi Se-chang, Jang Ki-oh, Cha Kyu-heon, Roh Tae-woo, and Hwang Young-si, to the office of the 30th Security Battalion Commander within the Capital Garrison Command in Gyeongbokgung Palace. There, they discussed and directed the plan to seize control of the city.
President Choi Kyu-hah's Refusal to Approve: At 6:00 PM on the same day, Chun Doo-hwan requested President Choi Kyu-hah's approval for the arrest of Army Chief of Staff Jeong Seung-hwa but was refused. The President withheld approval due to the absence of the Minister of National Defense, leading to a tense, all-night standoff.
Forcible Apprehension of Army Chief of Staff Jeong Seung-hwa: At 7:00 PM, Heo Sam-soo and Woo Kyung-yoon deployed 50 personnel from the Capital Garrison Command's 33rd Military Police unit to arrest General Jeong. After a shootout with the residence's marine guards, General Jeong was forcibly apprehended. This process resulted in 3 deaths and 20 serious and minor injuries. At 7:21 PM, General Jeong was forcibly taken to the Security Command's Seobinggo detachment.
Seizure of the Prime Minister's Official Residence: At 8:20 PM, Colonel Ko Myung-seung, a key figure in Hana-hoe, personally led forces from the 55th Security Unit and the 101st Security Unit, both belonging to the Presidential Security Service, to forcibly seize the Prime Minister's Official Residence where President Choi Kyu-hah was staying. By 8:40 PM, the security forces at the residence were disarmed, and the President's external communications were completely cut off.
Conflict Between Army Headquarters and the Joint Investigation Headquarters: Around 9:30 PM, a false report emerged that the 1st Special Forces Brigade was deploying to attack Army Headquarters. This false report escalated the chaos, leading Army Headquarters command to relocate to the Capital Garrison Command's compound and Minister of National Defense Roh Jae-hyun to take refuge in the U.S. Eighth Army bunker. However, it was later revealed that the 1st Special Forces Brigade had not actually deployed at that time, and the incident was due to mistaken identity.
Suppression of Anti-Coup Leaders: The New Military faction forcibly suppressed and apprehended key anti-coup leaders, including Lieutenant General Lee Kun-young (Commander of the 3rd Army), Major General Jang Tae-wan (Commander of the Capital Garrison Command), and Major General Jeong Byeong-ju (Commander of the Special Warfare Command), who had been demanding General Jeong's reinstatement, arguing that his forced apprehension was unjust. Forces from the 1st Special Forces Brigade led by Brigadier General Park Hee-do, the 3rd Special Forces Brigade led by Brigadier General Choi Se-chang, and the 5th Special Forces Brigade led by Brigadier General Jang Ki-oh, all deployed to Seoul.
Attack on the Ministry of National Defense and Army Headquarters: The 1st Special Forces Brigade attacked the Ministry of National Defense and Army Headquarters, arresting Minister of National Defense Roh Jae-hyun and killing Private Jeong Seon-yeop, a guard at the Ministry of National Defense. During this process, the Ministry of National Defense building was damaged, and a shootout resulted in 1 death and 10 serious and minor injuries.
End of the Incident: Around 3:30 AM, President Choi Kyu-hah, who had arrived at the Ministry of National Defense building, met Minister of National Defense Roh Jae-hyun and, at 5:00 AM on the 13th, approved the post-facto authorization for General Jeong's apprehension. With President Choi Kyu-hah's approval, the 12.12 Incident was effectively concluded as intended by Chun Doo-hwan.
After 12.12: Seizure of Power and Punishment
Seizure of Power by the New Military: On the afternoon of December 13, Minister of National Defense Roh Jae-hyun announced General Jeong Seung-hwa's apprehension and Lee Hee-sung's appointment as Martial Law Commander. Subsequently, Security Commander Chun Doo-hwan directly appointed Lee Hee-sung as Army Chief of Staff and adjusted military personnel, thereby seizing control of the military and becoming the de facto supreme power during the power vacuum. Chun Doo-hwan held dual roles as Security Commander and acting Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, wielding immense power.
U.S. Reaction: At the time, the U.S. assessed the possibility of a North Korean invasion at 50% immediately after the 12.12 Incident and prepared for any contingencies. The U.S. government expressed strong dissatisfaction with the New Military's violation of the ROK-U.S. agreement regarding the exercise of peacetime operational control. However, within two weeks, the tone of criticism softened, effectively condoning the military rebellion.
May 17 Coup d'état and Establishment of the Fifth Republic: The 12.12 Incident was an internal military rebellion aimed at purging the military. The true coup d'état, representing a seizure of power, occurred during the process of the May 17 Coup d'état in 1980 and the subsequent suppression of the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement. Ultimately, through this series of events, President Choi Kyu-hah resigned, and Chun Doo-hwan was elected as the 11th President on September 1, 1980, leading to the establishment of the Fifth Republic.
Punishment and Amnesty: An Irony of History
Sacrifices of the Anti-Coup Forces: Key figures among the anti-coup forces who resisted the New Military during the 12.12 Incident faced harsh punishment. Commander Jang Tae-wan of the Capital Garrison Command was forcibly discharged and placed under house arrest, and Special Warfare Commander Jeong Byeong-ju also faced forced discharge and house arrest. There was also the tragedy of Major Kim Oh-rang, Special Warfare Commander Jeong's aide, who was killed.
Legal Judgment of the Rebels: After the civilian government was established, President Kim Young-sam defined the 12.12 Incident as a "coup-like act of insubordination" and initiated efforts to set historical records straight. Prosecutors defined the 12.12 Incident as a military rebellion and launched a reinvestigation, leading to the arrest and indictment of key New Military figures, including Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, in 1995.
In the first trial, Chun Doo-hwan was sentenced to death, and Roh Tae-woo to life imprisonment. The Supreme Court upheld the conviction of Chun Doo-hwan, Roh Tae-woo, and others for rebellion in connection with the 12.12 Military Insurrection. The Supreme Court ruled that even if a new legal order was established through a military rebellion and civil war, followed by constitutional amendment through a national referendum and governance under the amended constitution, it could not be considered the establishment of a new legal order. It explicitly stated that acts of rendering constitutional organs incapable of exercising their powers or seizing power through violence, without following democratic procedures stipulated in the constitution, could never be condoned under any circumstances.
Presidential Special Amnesty: However, in anticipation of the 1997 presidential election, based on an agreement between President-elect Kim Dae-jung and President Kim Young-sam, President Kim Young-sam granted a special amnesty to individuals involved in the 12.12 and 5.18 incidents on December 22, 1997.
Conflicting Assessments and Controversies
Negative Assessments: The Ministry of National Defense's Committee for the Clarification of Past Incidents concluded in its report that the true reason for the 12.12 rebellion was General Jeong Seung-hwa's plan for personnel changes to curb Security Commander Chun Doo-hwan. President Choi Kyu-hah reportedly expressed fear, saying he "nearly died" during the incident, and former Deputy Prime Minister Shin Hyun-hwak also judged the New Military's actions to be aimed at seizing control of the military.
General Jang Tae-wan testified that when Chun Doo-hwan claimed General Jeong's apprehension was for a 10.26-related investigation and offered him a high-ranking position if he took a six-month break, Jang felt, "These guys meticulously planned a coup." Cardinal Kim Sou-hwan, in front of Commander Chun Doo-hwan who came to offer New Year's greetings, reportedly remarked, "It felt like watching a Western. In Western movies, the one who draws first wins."
Positive Assessments (New Military's Arguments): Former Presidential Senior Secretary for Political Affairs Heo Hwa-pyeong argued in the Supreme Court trial that General Jeong Seung-hwa's apprehension was not problematic, and the large-scale mobilization of troops was a "self-preservation" response to General Jang Tae-wan's attempted attack. Former Deputy Commander Shin Yoon-hee of the Capital Garrison Command's Military Police also published a book claiming that 12.12 was not a military rebellion, arguing that Army Headquarters' response to rescue General Jeong escalated the situation.
Controversial Issues: There was controversy surrounding the initial deployment time of the 1st Special Forces Brigade. The anti-coup forces claimed that the 1st Special Forces Brigade deployed first late on the night of the 12th, which became the basis for Army Headquarters to order the deployment of the 9th Special Forces Brigade. However, official records indicate that the 1st Special Forces Brigade's deployment occurred after 0:00 on the 13th, raising the argument that if the 1st Special Forces deployed later, it was General Jang Tae-wan of the Capital Garrison Command who issued the attack order first.
There was also controversy regarding whether Army Headquarters attempted to communicate with the President. Deputy Chief of Staff Yoon Sung-min claimed he tried to call President Choi Kyu-hah but was cut off by Chief of Staff Choi Kwang-soo, who said the situation was not favorable. However, Chief of Staff Choi Kwang-soo and Prime Minister Shin Hyun-hwak both testified in court that they had never spoken with Deputy Chief of Staff Yoon Sung-min, and that there was no evidence of the Joint Investigation Headquarters blocking communications, suggesting that Army Headquarters might not have attempted to communicate with the President. This aligns with the Joint Investigation Headquarters' argument that General Jang Tae-wan's order to attack the 30th Security Battalion without presidential approval was an act of rebellion.
